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Following the Leader: Ruling China, from Deng Xiaoping to Xi Jinping, by David M. Lampton
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With unique access to Chinese leaders at all levels of the party and government, best-selling author David M. Lampton tells the story of China’s political elites from their own perspectives. Based on over five hundred interviews, Following the Leader offers a rare glimpse into how the attitudes and ideas of those at the top have evolved over the past four decades. Here China’s rulers explain their strategies and ideas for moving the nation forward, share their reflections on matters of leadership and policy, and discuss the challenges that keep them awake at night.
As the Chinese Communist Party installs its new president, Xi Jinping, for a presumably ten-year term, questions abound. How will the country move forward as its explosive rate of economic growth begins to slow? How does it plan to deal with domestic and international calls for political reform and to cope with an aging population, not to mention an increasingly fragmented bureaucracy and society? In this insightful book we learn how China’s leaders see the nation’s political future, as well as about its global strategic influence.
- Sales Rank: #535939 in Books
- Published on: 2014-02-03
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x 1.00" w x 6.00" l, 1.25 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 312 pages
Review
"Provides an exceptional explanation of the astounding changes that China has experienced, especially since the late 1970s, and offers a sober assessment of the challenges the nation currently faces. . . . This important work on understanding contemporary China is essential for all China watchers. Its concise and lucid treatment of the topic will serve as valuable reading to experts and novices alike."--Joshua Wallace"Library Journal" (03/15/2014)
"Beautifully written, and dotted with poetic passages unexpected in a book of political analysis."--Justin Jon Rudelson"Pacific Affairs" (09/01/2015)
"Insightful analysis;" "One of the most balanced scholarly accounts of China s political development."--Baogang Guo"Journal of Chinese Political Science" (12/01/2015)"
From the Inside Flap
“This book is a gift for those seeking to understand in all of its complexities the preeminent issue of our times—the rise of China and the implications for the rest of us. With data-rich analysis, it captures the sweeping political, economic, and social changes of China’s last forty years and, without being alarmist, delineates persuasively the things that both we and the Chinese should genuinely worry about. It is an important guide to both scholars and policy makers.”
John McLaughlin, Distinguished Practitioner-in-Residence at Johns Hopkins University and former deputy director of the CIA
“The best book on contemporary China today, Following the Leader is a true insider’s account of how the Chinese think about the world and how the world should think about China. A compelling and engaging read for first-time China travelers, seasoned China watchers, and anyone else interested in understanding the emergence of this global power.”
Elizabeth C. Economy, C.V. Starr Senior Fellow and Director for Asia Studies, Council on Foreign Relations
About the Author
David M. Lampton is Professor of China Studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and Director of China Studies at SAIS. Former President of the National Committee on United States–China Relations, he was the inaugural winner of the Scalapino Prize (2010). His books include The Three Faces of Chinese Power: Might, Money, and Minds (2008), Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing U.S.-China Relations, 1989–2000 (2001), and The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform (2001).
Most helpful customer reviews
10 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
Insightful -
By Loyd Eskildson
Chinese society has changed so fundamentally since 1977 that author Lampton believes the preconditions for re-establishing tyranny such as that under Mao no longer exist. His book is the culmination of 558 interviews conducted over a 40+ year period and follows the style of its leaders from Deng forward, with occasional comparisons with Mao. Overall, he sees a change over the years from a tyrannical style (Mao) to transformational (Deng), to today's technically-skilled leadership styles.
One of Deng's first changes was to define his era as one of 'Peace and Development' and 'learning from others - stark contrasts with Mao's self-proclaimed 'War and Revolution' and 'self-reliance.' Deng was fortune that China no longer faced threats from the U.S. and the Soviets that it had during the 1960s - hence, capitalizing on his strong standing within the military via prior military leadership while combatting the Japanese Occupation, Deng was able to minimize military expenditures, calm potential fears in other nations, and reinvest the savings. Deng saw the importance of motivation via material rewards and emphasized experimentation without ideological constraints, though he sometimes had to tip-toe carefully among Mao's former comrades in doing so. Mao, on the other hand emphasized universal adherence to ideological proclamations - through coercion. Deng thought in terms of progress/capita that would be most meaningful to China's citizens, Mao pursued international strength through rising population numbers. Deng's vision led directly to China's one-child policy. Deng awarded government positions and promotions according to training and prior results, Mao relied on political reliability and seniority. Under Deng, China went from pursuit of Mao's autarky to comparative advantage, and millions moved from the agricultural to manufacturing and services sectors. Urbanization went from 18% in 1978 to over 50% in 2011, and China is now a net importer of food and energy. Regulatory agencies had to be developed from scratch - non-existent under Mao.
Americans see government as a danger, but accountable to the people and kept under control by checks and balances. The Chinese see government as the solution to societal problems, with people accountable to that government. China's central government has become less dominant, per Lampton - 54% of state revenues were spent at the central level in 1980, 18% in 2010.
Prior to reaching the top, China's new leaders have all held positions in administrative units often larger than European nations in terms of land area and/or population. Within those areas they're responsible for everything - including health and education. The outside world rises to the top of the agenda for China's leaders only when external actors/circumstances threaten to connect with unstable/truculent internal forces. Public opinion has become more important than Mao's era.
Major concerns for today's Chinese leaders: Huge social groups, not individuals. The rural masses are still poor ($1,100/capita in 2011, and have a long history of instability and uprisings. China sees itself with 600 million surplus farmers, many dispossessed of their land and paid far less than market value by profiting local governments. Rural migrants who have moved into cities are particularly affected because they lose their farming lifeline for economic downturns. The result - mass resentment in rural areas, followed by rising concerns over pollution.
The one-child policy has created a need for one couple to potentially support four parents. Doing so requires substituting capital for labor, expanding education and R&D. A related problem - China now has 119 males for every 100 females. Tens of millions of workers lost jobs in unviable SOEs in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Another issue - less favorable employment and inferior access to health and education for migrants. Water shortages, especially in northern areas, inflation, income inequality, shoddy construction, Taiwan, and sensitivity to the appearance of external bullying present other major concerns.
Since 1982-83, PLA land forces have been reduced by about 31%, missile forces increased 11%, and the navy remained about the same.
9 of 11 people found the following review helpful.
bu hao
By rasputin
really not good. ill-conceived organization, choppy narrative, almost bereft of detail. reads like a bad undergraduate text. worst flaw is that work is heavy on academic-speak that communicates a minimum of information with the maximum amount of verbiage. examples: "The domestic ebb and flow of money, people, bureaucracies, and the reigning ideas of any given era all affect foreign policy." or this: "Effective nation-states possess a coherent and stable identity, accepted and effective institutions, and a balance between what society demands of the system and what its institutions provide; identity, institutions, and participation collectively constitute the body politic." or this: "Negotiation and diplomacy are related tools of statecraft by which one party induces the other to make decisions and reach agreements consistent with its preferences." to which i can only reply: who knew?
i agree with the other reviewer. read ezra vogel's excellent biography of deng xiaoping. for a good synopsis of the post-deng era you are on your own.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
INTERESTING BUT PARTLY WRONG
By Yehezkel Dror
Avant-Garde Politician: Leaders for a New Epoch
This book is based on exhaustive interviews over many years which serve as an important data base, as explained in an interesting methodological appendix (pp. 233-246). But, as the author himself points out (p. 193): "Chinese negotiators do their homework." Interviews, public announcements and similar oral communications accessible to an American are hardly frank expressions of views and presentation of information.
The author claims that "This volume reveals the human frustrations China's leaders feel, the nightmares disturbing their sleep" (p. 1) and ""what keeps Chinese leaders awake at night" ( p.140). This promise is not and cannot be fulfilled on the basis of interviews and pronouncements, which can and often do hide what is really on the mind of the interlocutor. To penetrate at least somewhat into the mind of political leaders requires working with them for extended periods or at least having full access to internal notes, memoranda, records and similar documentation. Such access was not enjoyed by the author. Explicit full discussion of the limits of relying on interviews etc. should have been included in the book.
This does not reduce the high quality of the analyses presented in the book, such as the recurrent theme of "expanding pluralism of bureaucracy and society" (e.g. p. 198), or the quality of outstanding chapters, such as on policy making (pp. 78-107). But much of the book could have been written on the basis of analysis of Chinese behavior in its regional and global contexts, with interviews serving as an additional resource but not the most important one.
The book provides important insights into China, but it does not provide in-depth understanding of the leaders it discusses. Despite the rejection of general theories and the claim to "understand ...leaders on their own terms" (p. 7), my sense is that some assumptions on their main values and a quasi-rationalistic model served as frames or paradigms for the offered explanations. This is unavoidable, all the more so as the conscious self-understanding of leaders is of doubtful validity, even if frankly expressed -- as is usually not the case. Indeed, the author occasionally refers to leadership models, such as by Max Weber (pp. 62-65) and James Burns (pp. 65-68), but cursory so (where is the "vocation" in the sense of total commitment, which is central to Weber's conception of leadership?).
Instead of the transformative versus transactional leadership dichotomy (while neglecting relevant contingency theory), the author could have made a contribution to leadership theory as a whole, such as by discussing the more history-reverting leaders in innovative terms of avant-garde and foundational leadership moving from "true believers" to more "realism".
More fundamental is my disagreement with the book on the likely future of the People's Republic of China, The author states rather categorically that "to be at the forefront of innovation and technology central to national power, leaders must embrace a fluid and dynamic (open) society that ultimately threatens their grip on concentrated power" (p. 132). I have doubts about such "end of history" outlooks, however widely accepted in the West. New forms of governance may emerge, as illustrated by Iran, which are not fully "open" in a democratic sense but can do well in technological innovations and economic prosperity while maintaining public support.
Furthermore, all countries face the crucial problem "from where does the visionary, public-spirited leader arise" (p. 221). It is not guaranteed that the high-quality leadership needed for coping with emerging radically novel issues will emerge necessarily from contemporary democratic procedures and only by it. A top-down meritocratic regime can in principle prepare such leaders, who then gain support from a majority of the population. In this connection, the lack of information in the book on PRC leadership training endeavor, such as in party and governance schools, is a lacunae.
Albeit, the outlook in the concluding chapter (pp. 219-232) suffers from a more fundamental weakness: complete disregard of radical transformations sure to result from advances in science and technology, such as substitution of artificial intelligence robots, globally integrated information processing, 3M printing and perhaps molecular engineering for many of the jobs, including of the middle classes. Similarly disregarded is the need for a strict global security regime to prevent mass killings by fanatics using viruses mutated in "kitchen laboratories," as increasingly possible thanks to synthetic and emerging quantum biology, and to regulate "human enhancement" - the implications of which go far beyond the dangers of climate change. There may well push towards a new global order, headed by a duopoly of China and the USA, probably after some large calamities.
This "looking into a rear mirror for outlook" mistake is shared by most publications dealing with the future of countries and the global order. Therefore the author is in a lot of erroneous company. This is a mitigating circumstance. But he did miss an opportunity to look forward more innovatively.
Professor Yehezkel Dror
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
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